maandag 4 december 2017

Video over 'leven zonder water in Gaza' / en zie Public Services International

Video: Life without water in Gaza

The Electronic Intifada 29 November 2017

“We live in an area where there is no water,” says Ibrahim al-Majaida, a
resident of al-Mawasi, an agricultural area near Khan Younis in the southern
 Israeli-occupied Gaza Strip.
The average Palestinian family in Gaza receives running water only four to 
six hours, every three to five days, due to chronic electricity shortages resulting
from Israel’s decade-long siege.
This forces many to buy water from expensive and unregulated private sources.
“We travel two kilometers to bring water to our homes,” al-Majaida says.
More than 96 percent of Gaza’s water supply is unsafe for drinking.
Desalination plants are functioning at 15 percent of their capacity due to
electricity shortages.
The diminished capacity of water and wastewater treatment facilities
means that 108 million liters of raw sewage are being dumped into the 
Mediterranean Sea every day.
The disrupted operation of treatment facilities has led to sewage spills
in various areas of Gaza, such as al-Mawasi.
“Even plants and vegetables don’t survive in it because of the contamination,
” says Rasha al-Majaida, another resident of al-Mawasi. “Not even birds
drink from it.”
Video by Ruwaida Amer and Sanad Abu Latifa.



Clean water and sanitation – recently recognised by the United Nations
 as basic human rights – are critical to good health. They help prevent 
disease. Yet billions of people have no ready access to safe water. It is an
 essential service that governments must provide to protect their 
citizens and serve their common good.


zaterdag 2 december 2017

No more business as usual

Teken de petitie: geen samenwerking meer met bedrijven die bijdragen aan Israëls kolonisering van Palestina.
Petitie: stop de Nederlandse betrokkenheid bij de illegale kolonisering van Palestina. 
The Rights Forum is een petitie gestart die een einde moet maken aan de Nederlandse samenwerking met bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij de illegale kolonisering van de door Israël bezette Palestijnse gebieden. In de petitie wordt opgeroepen tot een rechtvaardig regeringsbeleid:
De Nederlandse overheid doet geen zaken met dergelijke bedrijven. De Nederlandse ambassade in Tel Aviv verleent geen diensten aan dergelijke bedrijven. Het Nederlandse bedrijfsleven wordt door de overheid met nadruk aangeraden afstand te bewaren tot dergelijke bedrijven.

Partners in onrecht

De Nederlandse overheid, met in haar kielzog het Nederlandse bedrijfsleven, doet zaken met bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij de illegale Israëlische kolonisering van Palestijns gebied. Die kolonisering vormt een ernstige schending van het internationaal recht en de mensenrechten, en wordt algemeen beschouwd als belangrijk obstakel voor vrede tussen Israëli’s en Palestijnen. Om die reden wordt zij scherp veroordeeld, onder meer door de Nederlandse regering, de EU en de Verenigde Naties.
Die herhaalde veroordeling heeft echter nooit geleid tot consequent gedrag. Integendeel. Nog steeds wordt door Nederland – overheid en bedrijfsleven – samengewerkt met bedrijven waarvan Nederland zélf vindt dat hun activiteiten bijdragen aan onrecht.
Dat onrecht is groter dan de gemiddelde Nederlander zich realiseert. Het omvat onder meer de verdrijving van Palestijnse gemeenschappen, diefstal van Palestijns land en grondstoffen, dagelijks geweld van het Israëlische leger en kolonisten, en de instelling van een regime met verschillende rechtsstelsels voor verschillende bevolkingsgroepen.

De zaak-Shufersal

Die situatie heeft zich kunnen bestendigen omdat de buitenwereld heeft nagelaten in te grijpen. The Rights Forum vindt dat dat moet veranderen. Nederland dient zijn banden te verbreken met bedrijven die aantoonbaar zijn betrokken bij structurele schendingen van de mensenrechten en het internationaal recht. Het huidige ‘ontmoedigingsbeleid’ schiet in dit opzicht ernstig tekort.
In november werd dat opnieuw duidelijk. Uit journalistiek onderzoek bleek dat de Nederlandse overheid een samenwerking was aangegaan met het Israëlische supermarktconcern Shufersal. Dat bedrijf doet op grote schaal zaken in de illegale kolonies en zou volgens alle criteria voor fatsoenlijk beleid gemeden dienen te worden. Desondanks ging de Nederlandse ambassade in Tel Aviv met Shufersal in zee en werden Nederlandse bedrijven bij de samenwerking betrokken.

Rechtvaardig beleid

De zaak-Shufersal is symptomatisch voor het Nederlandse beleid: enerzijds wordt schande gesproken van de Israëlische kolonisering, anderzijds wordt die gedoogd en gefaciliteerd. Sterker, er wordt geld aan verdiend door Nederlandse bedrijven en pensioenfondsen, die zich verschuilen achter het inconsequente Haagse beleid.
The Rights Forum wil dat dit verandert – dat rechtvaardigheid het wint van politieke en handelsbelangen, en dat de Palestijnse bevolking in bescherming wordt genomen tegen ‘foute’ bedrijven die profiteren van Israëls politiek van bezetting en kolonisering. Vandaar de slogan ‘No more business as usual’: geen zaken meer met bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij de kolonisering van Palestina.
Daar is nog een andere reden voor. In juni 2017 duurde de Israëlische bezetting van Palestina – en de kolonisering die er het doel van is – vijftig jaar. Die onvoorstelbare mijlplaal mag niet zonder betekenis blijven, maar dient aanleiding te zijn tot een rechtvaardig beleid.
Teken de petitie: No more business as usual

maandag 27 november 2017

November 2017 - WAC MAAN Newsletter

November 2017 - WAC MAAN Newsletter

Gains for WAC MAAN signal its unique role as a union that unites Arabs and Jews on a progressive agenda    
On Thursday, November 16, 2017, WAC-MAAN signed a collective agreement for the employees of the nonprofit Physicians for Human Rights (PHR). The agreement regulates their job conditions and salaries, while creating a mechanism by which the workers will participate in decisions on policy, recruitment, and budgetary reductions. In addition there was a 3% raise in payment every year that would distributed in proportion that reflects an egalitarian approach of the employees through division of pay hikes in a way that gives less to older and better paid and more to new ones.
Additionally, on November 13, negotiations started toward a collective agreement on behalf of the 225 employees of the educational association Hand in Hand, which operates six bilingual schools (Arabic and Hebrew). Teachers and other workers there began organizing with WAC in May 2017, after queries regarding conditions and pay were left unanswered by management. It was a complex challenge to organise a workforce that is spread over six widespread locations, but the workers have shown impressive cooperation and initiative in their dealings with the WAC team. At the start of the process, the management put up various delaying obstacles, but after almost half the workforce had signed up (106 so far), management agreed to negotiate.
It is no coincidence that precisely these two organizations have joined us. WAC's uniqueness lies in a deep commitment to social justice, human rights, and peace. For the last quarter century, PHR has been a leading factor in the medical treatment of Palestinians from Gaza and the West Bank, and it is devoted to the vision of Israeli-Palestinian partnership. For its part, the schools of Hand in Hand maintain bilingual classes (Hebrew and Arabic) from the earliest ages; it too is considered a leading force for understanding between the peoples. For employees in associations like these, it is only natural that they prefer WAC-MAAN as their representative organization.
In defence of Palestinian workers 
WAC continues to organise among Palestinians who work in the Israeli Settlement Industrial Zones of the occupied West Bank (Area C). Links are being forged with several groups in the Zone of Mishor Adumim (between Jericho and Jerusalem).
Activity in East Jerusalem 
WAC is also expanding its work in East Jerusalem, where it focuses on combating poverty, realizing the rights of the Palestinian residents, and empowering Palestinian women—whose advancement is essential for improving the economic situation.
Advancing Arab women employment opportunities
WAC is also proud to report the successful completion of a course by the first cohort of Arab women trained as personal-care workers. This unique project was carried out in collaboration with the Israeli Ministry of Health; it has the potential to provide job opportunities for hundreds and perhaps thousands of Arab women in a field of ever increasing demand for skilled workers.
The annual Bread & Roses exhibition
These days we are also working to advance the annual Bread and Roses art exhibit, in which hundreds of Jewish and Arab artists contribute, through the sale of their works, to our projects in the field of women's employment.
You may notice the new design of our November Newsletter. It was created as a contribution to WAC-MAAN by the graphic designer Tali Eisner. Also included are several articles about our activities, published in local media.
Contribute to WAC-MAAN 
If you consider our work important, please translate your support and solidarity into a donation. Press here to contribute.
We welcome your remarks and suggestions 
Any ideas, comments, or questions will be most welcome.
In solidarity
Assaf Adiv 
Executive Director
Ph\whatsapp +972-50-4330034
Palestinian workers choose to organize - The Nation reporter Miriam Burger tells the story of workers in Mishor Adumim who refuse to accept exploitation and humilation of the occupation and join WAC MAAN to fight for their righs 

Support WAC MAAN - help us do our job
On Sunday, October 1, 2017, 29 Arab women organized by WAC celebrated the graduation ceremony of the first course for the training of Arab nursing workers in nursing homes for the elders. The Course took place at Hillel Yaffe Medical Center with the support of the Ministry of Health – see the report 
Copyright © 2017 WAC MAAN, All rights reserved.
You receive this email because you wanted WAC MAAN to update you on its activities
Our mailing address is:
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Israël doet alles om VN-lijst foute bedrijven tegen te houden

Explained // UN 'Blacklist': Why Israel Is 'Doing Everything It Can' to Thwart the Human Rights Council

'The council’s bias against Israel is so extreme that it has lost all relevance in the world,' wrote an Israeli CEO targeted by the UN's 'blacklist'

Haaretz and The Associated Press Nov 26, 2017 12:24 PM

Weeks ahead of the expected completion of a UN database of companies that operate in Israel’s West Bank settlements, Israel and the Trump Administration are working feverishly to prevent its publication.

“We will do everything we can to ensure that this list does not see the light of day,” Israel’s UN ambassador, Danny Danon, told The Associated Press.

While Israel is usually quick to brush off UN criticism, officials say they are taking the so-called “blacklist” seriously, fearing its publication could have devastating consequences by driving companies away, deterring others from coming and prompting investors to dump shares of Israeli firms. Dozens of major Israeli companies, as well as multinationals that do business in Israel, are expected to appear on the list.

The UN's top human rights body, the Human Rights Council, ordered the compilation of the database in March 2016, calling on UN rights chief Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein to “investigate the implications of the Israeli settlements on Palestinians.”

The international community overwhelmingly considers the settlements, built on occupied land claimed by the Palestinians for a future state, to be illegal. Israel rejects such claims, citing the land’s strategic and religious significance, and says the matter should be resolved in negotiations.

Israeli officials say that about 100 local companies that operate in the West Bank and east Jerusalem have received warning letters that they will be on the list. In addition, some 50 international companies, mostly American and European, also have been warned.

The companies have not been publicly identified, but one official said they include Israeli banks, supermarkets, restaurant chains, bus lines and security firms, as well as international giants that provide equipment or services used to build or maintain settlements. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the matter with the media.

The only company to confirm receiving a warning letter has been Bezeq, Israel’s national telephone company. Bezeq’s chief executive, Stella Handler, posted a copy of the letter sent by Zeid’s office in September on her Facebook page. It accused Bezeq of using West Bank land for infrastructure, providing phone and Internet services to settlements and operating sales offices in the West Bank and east Jerusalem.

Handler angrily wrote that Bezeq provides service to all customers, regardless of race or where they live.

“The council’s bias against Israel is so extreme that it has lost all relevance in the world,” she wrote. “We will not cooperate with a move that is all in all anti-Israeli propaganda.”

But hours later, Handler removed the post, saying she had done so at the request of the government. The Israeli official confirmed the government has asked companies not to speak about the issue. Bezeq declined comment.

Israel has long accused the United Nations, and particularly the rights council, of being biased against it.

Israel is the only country that faces an examination of its rights record at each of the council’s three sessions each year. Some 70 resolutions, or about quarter of the council’s country-specific resolutions, have been aimed at Israel. That is nearly triple the number for the second-place country: Syria, where hundreds of thousands have been killed in a devastating six-year civil war.

Israeli leaders and many non-governmental groups also complain that some of the world’s worst violators of human rights, including Venezuela, Saudi Arabia, Congo and Cuba, sit on the council.

Some Western diplomats have said the database could set a harmful precedent by blurring the line between business and human rights on issues that are better left to trade policy than the Geneva council.

Israel seems to have little leverage over the council. But its campaign has received a big boost from the United States. The Trump administration has taken a tough line against the UN, demanding reforms and in October, withdrawing from the cultural agency UNESCO because of alleged anti-Israel bias.

In a speech to the council last June, U.S. Ambassador Nikki Haley railed against its makeup and demanded that Israel be removed as a permanent fixture on its agenda. She also hinted that the U.S. could quit the council.

The upcoming release of the database could test that commitment. It has triggered a quiet, but high-stakes effort by Israel and the U.S. to try to block its release.

“We just view that type of blacklist as counterproductive,” State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert said recently.

Danon, the Israeli ambassador, accused the council of unfairly targeting Israel at a time of conflict throughout the world, saying it amounted to a “blacklist” of Jewish companies and those who do business with the Jewish state.

He also said it would turn the rights council into “the world’s biggest promoter of BDS,” an acronym for the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Movement — a grassroots international boycott movement against Israel. Most of the companies linked to the blacklist are frequent targets of the BDS movement.

“What kind of message will this send?” Dannon said.

But Nabil Shaath, a senior Palestinian official, said the list is an “important step” moving from verbal condemnation to practical action against the settlements. He expressed hope that it would lead companies to stop doing business with the settlements and even lead to sanctions against those that continue.

The original resolution calling for the list stipulates only that the council’s high commissioner is requested “to transmit the data therein in the form of a report” to the council.

To that end, Israel and its allies have been encouraging the council to leave the list out and submit only a basic, broad-strokes report that doesn’t name names, according to several UN diplomats familiar with the discussions. The diplomats were not authorized to comment publicly and demanded anonymity.

The pressure campaign has shown some signs of success. After an earlier delay, Zeid’s office said the release of the “report” has been pushed back again, from December to early next year.

For now, it does not appear that the list’s publication would be the direct trigger that leads the U.S. to quit the council. Haley’s office said it is focused on implementing reforms on the council, though publication of the list could make U.S. participation “less likely.”

Eugene Kontorovich, the director of international law at the Kohelet Policy Forum, a conservative think tank in Jerusalem, said he was “deeply skeptical” the report will not be published and said the Israeli government would be better off trying to discredit the report ahead of time. “I think it’s important for people to understand how bad this is,” he said.

The resolution, he warned, would cause “reputational harm” to companies and put “a cloud over business in Israel.” Although nonbinding, he said it could be used as a basis for future legal action. “The goal of this is to cause problems for Israel,” he said.

dinsdag 21 november 2017

Despite Reconciliation, PA Continues to Punish Gaza’s Teachers, Professors

By Anna Majavu
Hundreds of tertiary education staff in the Gaza Strip are set to strike this week after facing eight months of extreme salary cuts and threats of forced retirement by the Palestinian Authority.
The approximately 831 academic and administrative staff of in Gaza will be striking because the Palestinian Authority withdrew most of their salaries eight months ago, leaving them with between 20 and 25% to survive on ever since.
The Palestinian tertiary institution staff have now decided to call on the universities they work for to pay 25% of their salaries from now on, until the Palestinian Authority restores their salaries to their normal levels.
The problems for the tertiary education workers began in April this year, when the Palestinian Authority unilaterally slashed the salaries of all staff working at universities and other tertiary institutes, leaving them without enough of a wage to survive on. Every month since then, the staff have been shocked to see the same pattern repeated – for eight months in a row now.
Despite this, the staff have continued to report for duty every day and work to the best of their abilities as usual.
As local Palestinian media have reported, the situation worsened for the staff in August this year when Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas then decided that all 831 tertiary education personnel would be placed, along with other civil servants in Gaza, on early retirement. This despite the fact that most of the academic staff are under the age of 50 and had never expressed any wish to retire!
None of the staff were given any valid reason for this unjustified action and could only note reports by Ma’an News that the decision seemed to be motivated by a factional hatred on the part of the ruling party in the Palestinian Authority (Fatah) for Hamas, after PA spokesman Yousif al‐Mahmoud said that it was a temporary move seeking to pressure Hamas to hand over control over the small coastal enclave to the PA.
The academics then wrote to the President of the European Commission, Jan Jonker, to protest this draconian action, which appears to have had some effect because on 26 August 2017, the Palestinian academics were then suddenly informed that they would be “re‐hired”.
However, this came with a bizarre proviso – they would be “re-hired” but would no longer be paid salaries at all – instead they would only get the monthly pension that they would have received after retiring, which is less than 25% of their salaries.
Effectively, all university workers in Gaza have been forced into early retirement but are still expected to work ‐ for a fraction of their former salaries.
All measures taken against civil servants based in the Gaza Strip amount to a form of collective punishment based on a policy of exclusion of a particular component of the Palestinian people. They have also been strongly condemned by major Palestinian human rights organisations.
It is a heinous action to deprive predominantly young people of their inalienable right to education. Supporters of the tertiary education staff believe that this action of educide must be seen in the light of the brutal 69 year old occupation and colonization of Palestine by the Israeli regime and the ongoing and barbaric Israeli siege of Gaza, which includes a total ban on imports of basic goods and exports of all Palestinian goods, severe restrictions on construction materials and cooking gas, and the obstruction of hundreds of gravely ill Palestinians every month, who have been referred for medical treatment to Israeli or West Bank hospitals, according to the Gaza‐based Palestinian Committee for Human Rights.
The petition, which will be run online and also signed in hard copy and delivered to Palestinian embassies and consulates around the world, calls on Palestinian PM, Rami Hamdallah & Education Minister, Sabri Saidam to cease their punishment of Palestinian university staff in Gaza, permanently revoke any threat of forced early retirement, pay the full salaries with immediate effect and back pay the staff the salary amounts that have been confiscated since April 2017.
It is the sincere hope of those petitioning that the PA will reverse the punitive measures they have taken against the Gaza Strip, in general, and against the education and health sectors in particular, as these measures punish the civilians and threaten their lives in a way that violates all international norms and conventions that lay down obligations on governments to respect human dignity.  The Palestinians of Gaza have already suffered enough under the brutal 69 year long Israeli rule and ongoing siege.
The euphoria created by reconciliation deal signed two months ago after Hamas’s decision to dissolve the Administrative Committee, which was used as an excuse by the Fatah-led PA to justify the punitive measures taken against the residents of Gaza, has led to no change whatsoever in the lives or ordinary Gazans! The PA has not taken any concrete step to revise those punitive measures.
petition has been launched calling for urgent intervention.
– Anna Majavu is a Palestine solidarity activist and currently a PhD journalism candidate at the University of Auckland, Aotearoa/New Zealand

zondag 19 november 2017

Combat proven Nederlandse militaire relaties met Israël / Stop wapenhandel, juni 2016


In dit rapport heeft Stop Wapenhandel de militaire relaties en de import en export van militaire goederen tussen Nederland en Israël in kaart gebracht.

De Israëlische wapenindustrie is grotendeels in staatshanden en heeft het Israëlische leger als voornaamste klant. Onderling zijn er nauwe banden, er is constant contact vanuit 'het veld' met de industrie over ontwikkelingen en verbeteringen van militaire producten. Dat leidt ertoe dat Israëlische wapens populair zijn op de internationale markt, omdat ze het label ‘combat proven’ of ‘battle tested’ hebben. Israël en zijn wapenindustrie profiteren van de kennis en ervaring die is opgedaan door de bezetting van de Westelijke Jordaanoever en de blokkade van Gaza. Een bezetting en blokkade die gepaard gaan met mensenrechtenschendingen en overtredingen van het internationaal recht.

Met het exporteren van hoogwaardige militaire- en 'beveiligingsproducten' trekt de Israëlische wapenindustrie profijt van deze kennis en ervaring. Landen die producten van de Israëlische wapenindustrie kopen of met deze industrie samenwerken, zoals Nederland, profiteren zo in feite van kennis opgedaan bij het schenden van mensenrechten en overtreden van internationaal recht. Minister van Defensie Hennis verklaarde in 2014 bij een bezoek aan Israël dat Nederland de militaire banden met Israël wil aanhalen. Het Korps Commandotroepen maakt gebruik van Israëlische trainingsfaciliteiten. Ook hier profiteert Nederland van kennis en ervaring die is opgedaan tijdens bezetting en blokkade.
Behalve het stimuleren van de wapenindustrie door aankoop van Israëlische ‘combat proven’ producten draagt Nederland nog op andere manieren bij aan het faciliteren van de bezetting en het conflict. Zo is er een aanzienlijke kans dat in Nederland geproduceerde en ontwikkelde onderdelen voor F-16s, Apache helikopters, Hellfire-raketten en in de nabije toekomst onderdelen van de F-35, ook bekend als Joint Strike Fighter (JSF), via de Verenigde Staten in Israël belanden, ook al zou Nederland zelf nooit rechtstreeks dit soort producten aan Israël leveren. Nederland heeft na de uitvoer van de geproduceerde wapenonderdelen geen controle meer over de Amerikaanse export.

Daarnaast vindt nog steeds export van zogenaamde dual-usegoederen plaats, goederen die zowel een civiele als een militaire toepassing kennen. Verontrustend zijn met name de levering van onderdelen van nachtzichtapparatuur aan het Israëlische leger en de levering van chemicaliën die als grondstof voor chemische wapens kunnen dienen. Vooral omdat Israël als een van de weinige landen het Chemische Wapens Verdrag niet heeft geratificeerd. Sommige analisten vermoeden bovendien dat Israël een chemische wapenprogramma heeft.
De Israëlische militaire industrie wordt niet alleen gesteund door aankopen uit Europese landen, ook gaan er grote sommen onderzoeksgeld naar Israëlische wapenproducenten. Israël kan deelnemen aan lucratieve EU onderzoeksprogramma’s door het in 1995 gesloten Associatieverdrag met de Europese lidstaten. Gedurende de looptijd van het Europees innovatiesubsidieprogramma FP7, van 2007 tot en met 2013, hebben Israëlische instellingen meegedaan aan ruim 1500 projecten. Israël heeft daarbij voor 780 miljoen euro aan subsidie ontvangen. Een deel van dit bedrag belandde bij de Israëlische wapenindustrie.
Na druk vanuit maatschappelijke organisaties besloot de Europese Commissie dat projecten in Horizon 2020 een exclusieve focus moeten hebben op civiele toepassingen. Ondanks dat blijkt dat er nog steeds veel van de Europese innovatiesubsidie naar de wapenindustrie gaat, mede doordat de grens tussen civiele (‘beveiligings’), dual-use en militaire producten erg vaag is. Onder meer worden met Europees belastinggeld wapenproducten als Elbit en ISLspace gesteund, bedrijven wiens producten een grote rol spelen bij de bezetting van de Westelijke Jordaanoever en de oorlogen en blokkade van Gaza.
De houding van Nederland en de EU ten aanzien van militaire relaties met Israël is dus zeer tweeslachtig. Nederland en de EU spreken ze zich uit tegen de Israëlische bezetting en de schendingen van internationaal recht en mensenrechten. Zowel de Nederlandse regering als de Europese Commissie stelt niet samen te werken met bedrijven die gevestigd of werkzaam zijn in bezet gebied. Maar tegelijkertijd wordt handel met de Israëlische wapenindustrie wel toegestaan, en belandt er in Nederland geproduceerd wapenmateriaal in Israël, en vice versa.
Lees verder


Publicaties van Stop Wapenhandel
§ Border wars. How the European arms industry profits from the refugee crisis. (Ook verschenen als: Oorlog aan de grenzen. Hoe wapenhandelaren profiteren van de Europese vluchtelingentragedie). I.s.m. Transnational Institute. Juni 2016
§ Combat proven, Nederlandse militaire relaties met Israël. Juni 2016
§ Beleggingen pensioenfondsen in Airbus. April 2016
§ Wapenexportcontrole in de Oekraïne. Maart 2016
§ Tax evasion and weapon production ; Letterbox arms companies in the Netherlands. I.s.m. Transnational Institute. December 2015
§ Topjaar 2014, analyse Nederlandse wapenexport. December 2015
§ Dutch arms trade with coalition forces in the Yemen war. November 2015
§ Pensioengeld voor de JSF. Augustus 2015
§ “Het is wel mijn geld” – Pensioengeld voor kernwapens. Mei 2015
§ Reactie op Initiatiefnota D66 en PvdA Wapens en Principes. April 2015
§ Wapenpromotie bij foute vrienden: Nederlandse bedrijven op IDEX wapenbeurs. Januari 2015

Zonder donateurs geen Stop Wapenhandel Steun ons met een gift op rekening NL11 TRIO 0390 4073 80 t.n.v. Stop Wapenhandel, Amsterdam